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By Paul A. Silverstein

Algerian migration to France all started on the finish of the nineteenth century, yet in fresh years France's Algerian group has been the focal point of a transferring public debate encompassing problems with unemployment, multiculturalism, Islam, and terrorism. during this finely crafted historic and anthropological learn, Paul A. Silverstein examines quite a lot of social and cultural kinds -- from immigration coverage, colonial governance, and concrete making plans to company ads, activities, literary narratives, and songs -- for what they show approximately postcolonial Algerian subjectivities. Investigating the relationship among anti-immigrant racism and the upward thrust of Islamist and Berberist ideologies one of the "second new release" ("Beurs"), he argues that the appropriation of those cultural-political tasks by way of Algerians in France represents a critique of notions of ecu or Mediterranean harmony and elucidates the mechanisms wherein the Algerian civil battle has been transferred onto French soil.

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Additional info for Algeria in France: Transpolitics, Race, and Nation (New Anthropologies of Europe)

Sample text

In both cases, then, the presence of “foreigners” was designed to accord directly with the economic needs of the countries; the guest workers were not legally allowed to become part of the permanent population. ” Both governments have been slow to institute “immigrant policies” as such, relying on employers to provide housing and subsistence wages according to Taylorist models of economic organization (Hammar 1985). Moreover, despite the plethora of social categories and distinctions in legal membership in Germany (Gastarbeiter, Arbeitnehmer, Ausländer, Migranten, Asylanten), concepts of “immigrant community” and “ethnic minority” are largely missing.

In his late twenties, he had just moved to Beirut and was seeking work as a French teacher; he spent his weekends in Damascus visiting my German housemate Kristina. He and Kristina had lived together the previous year in Cairo where he had been working at the French consulate and she had been a student. ” On his weekend visits to Damascus, he would spend time with Kristina; me; 18 Algeria in France a fellow Franco-Algerian student, Franck; Franck’s Moroccan girlfriend Salima; and Gilles’s best friend Mohammed, an Algerian political refugee in Cairo.

The book, while not an ethnography of Franco-Algerian associations or domestic life per se, does nonetheless draw directly on my participant observation in these sites. It explicitly attempts to link these local sites for the production and consumption of subjectivity to the larger transpolitical discourses and processes in which they are embedded. As a result, it tacks back and forth between formalized expressions of political agency and the everyday practices in which such cultural politics is diffused, attempting to reach the overdetermined “cultural complexity” that Ulf Hannerz (1992) identifies with world cities like Paris.

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