By Pierre Goubert, Michel Denis
Il existe, soutient Chateaubriand, un monument précieux de l. a. raison en France : ce sont les cahiers des trois ordres en 1789. Là se trouvent consignés, avec une connaissance profonde des choses, tous les besoins de los angeles société.
La Révolution est née de l. a. conjonction d’une crise économique et d’une crise politique où s’affrontaient los angeles monarchie, incapable de se réformer, l’aristocratie, attachée à ses privilèges, l. a. bourgeoisie, enrichie par los angeles prospérité économique de l. a. veille et enhardie par les Lumières au element de vouloir gouverner, et les éclats inattendus, anciens dans beaucoup de leurs features, nouveaux dans d’autres, du prolétariat des villes et des campagnes subitement poussé à de brutales et massives initiatives.
Dans ce climat complexe furent rédigés, en toute liberté, le plus souvent à los angeles fin de l’hiver 1788 et au début du printemps 1789, en pleine crise, des dizaines de milliers de cahiers de doléances. Pour los angeles première fois, l. a. majeure partie du peuple de France a l. a. parole.
Des dizaines de milliers de cahiers, Pierre Goubert et Michel Denis ont extrait les passages les plus significatifs et les plus vivants. Le lecteur demeure frappé par leurs contradictions, leur médiévalité autant que par leur nouveauté.
Suivi d'un Glossaire pratique de los angeles langue de quatre-vingt-neuf.
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But we have seen that it is not an easy tool to handle in any confrontation that involves the risk of war. And the length of time available to the Western powers before they would be obliged to use nuclear weapons is growing steadily shorter. This no doubt follows as a conseq uence from another observation contained in the same IISS analysis: The numerical balance over the last 20 years has slowly but steadily moved in favour of the East. At the same time, the West has largely lost the technical edge which allowed NATO to believe that quality could substitute for numbers.
It is not for us to tell the people ofJapan what they should do, although the idea that their contribution to Western defence consists in their prosperity is not very convincing to those who think they are suffering unequal competition. But the problem which directly concerns the Europeans is that of their own continent. Their leaders do seem to be aware of this. But European public opinion is unwilling, so much so that it would not be paradoxical to say that the main European contributions to defence debates have been the opposition to the siting in Europe of the neutron bomb and the enormous political battle waged against deployment of Pershing-2 and cruise missiles.
We may note, therefore, with reference to the constructive proposals which follow, that our problem is to transform what is now the simple possibility of such an extension into a secure doctrinal concept. And this will contradict the interpretation that has regrettably been placed on some statements by President Reagan as to the possibility of a nuclear war limited to Europe. It is in this context that the Russian proposal to balance the SS-20s against the French and British strategic forces must be analysed.